Every year on a Sunday in the middle of July, Irish army veterans, political leaders, diplomats and serving soldiers gather in Dublin for the national day of commemoration to remember all Irish men and women who died in past wars or on service with the United Nations.
As a state that has a policy of military neutrality, Irish soldiers frequently serve in UN peacekeeping and peace-enforcement missions.
The policy has a long history that has its origins partly in the centuries-old Irish struggle against British imperialism and colonialism, and partly for many citizens in the moral view that wars are wrong.
The state was neutral during World War Two, interning German pilots but allowing British ones to return home via Northern Ireland.
Ireland made clear it could not join the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (Nato) after World War Two because of partition – Northern Ireland remains part of the UK.
So while the state, which is a member of the European Union, was militarily neutral, it was never politically neutral – and it is not now on Ukraine as political leaders have made clear.
The policy, though, has come to be widely cherished and concerns that neutrality was being undermined have helped to defeat EU referenda.
As a result, Irish military deployment overseas depends on a triple lock:
- There must be a formal government decision
- It must be authorised by a resolution of the UN Security Council or General Assembly
- A motion to deploy has to get the approval of the Irish parliament or Oireachtas
But events in Ukraine, including the flight of refugees, have caused many to question the policy.
That neutrality is “morally degenerate” at a time when civilian areas are being bombed and there is talk of war crimes being committed, wrote the Irish Jesuit philosopher Seamus Murphy in the Irish Times newspaper.
Other EU states are sending arms to Ukraine to help fight the Russian invaders, but Ireland is sending “non-lethal” assistance such as medical supplies, body armour and helmets.
There are also differences of opinion on military neutrality in the three coalition government parties.
Fine Gael has historically been more questioning of the policy; the Greens strongly supportive, as are most in Fianna Fáil.
Neale Richmond, a Fine Gael TD (MP), has described the policy as “morally degenerate” – and called for a “long-overdue, serious and realistic conversation” about it.
The Fianna Fáil leader and Taoiseach (prime minister) Mícheál Martin has said the need for such a debate “doesn’t arise now at all”.
The policy of neutrality, he added, “is not in any shape or form hindering what needs to be done and what has to be done in respect of Ukraine”.
“Discussions around that (neutrality) are for another day.”
Polls show that younger people and supporters of left-wing parties including Sinn Féin, the main opposition party, overwhelmingly support neutrality.
But even before the Russian invasion, there were proposals to increase Irish defence spending which is extremely low by European standards including those of other neutral states.
Many question whether the Republic could defend itself against an invasion and argue that for decades it has been having its cake and eating it by not paying for its defence but benefitting from Nato protection.
People in the Republic of Ireland, nevertheless, have pride in their army, notwithstanding recent controversies about misogyny, bullying and violence against women in uniform.
While there is overwhelming popular and political support for Ukraine, that is unlikely to result in any change to Irish neutrality anytime soon.
When soldiers – past and present – gather again in July they will do so very much as they did last year, despite what’s happening on the borders of the European Union.
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